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Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian origin, and a former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with hot political and economic topics, both national and international.

He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals and students that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in this country in 1989, and in 1996-1997 participated in international observation teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria.

In 2002 Simeon and his family moved from Bulgaria to Canada where they live now in Montreal, province of Quebec. Simeon is a Master of Political Science from McGill University and a B.A. of Political Science and History.

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• Kosovo 2000
  
• Kosovo 2003
  
• Kosovo 2007
  
• Kosovo 2007, 2
  
• Kosovo 2008
  

Three and a half years after the war between NATO and Milosevic-led Yugoslavia the question of Kosovo's final status is still unresolved. Any of the possible solutions meets strong resistance by at least one of the two main antagonists - the Serbian government and the Kosovo Albanian majority. The existing stalemate keeps the status quo, which is more independence than province within Serbia. The first since 1999 talks between the two parties will take place in Vienna, but it's already clear that the final status question won't even be discussed.

The period since the end of the hostilities in Kosovo in June 1999 and the establishment of international dominion on its territory can be separated into two clear intervals - before and after the fall of Milosevic in 2000. Until his removal from office, Milosevic was considered as potential threat to the regional peace. He was also able at any moment to try to take back the province using even the smallest discord in the anti-Serbian coalition. Such moment could have happened in 2003, but in the meantime Milosevic was already behind the bars at The Hague.

The second period, after the fall of Milosevic, was characterized by improving relations between the West and Belgrade. Understanding that Serbia can't take Kosovo by overcoming the Western military power, the new Serbian authorities decided to bandwagon the western political vector in order to reach the same goal. So far they didn't gain anything substantial on the ground but their hope still persists.

On the other side of the barricade, the Kosovo Albanians have established their administrative system, enjoying almost full financial and logistical support by the western coalition in what concerns the daily and routine administrative activities. They are prepared to declare their independence from Belgrade and the only problem is that the international community isn't ready to recognize this independence.

There are other factors that show that the situation in or around the province is very difference from what it was three and a half years ago. The Russian Federation, the strongest supporter of anti-NATO Serbia, has withdrawn its troops from Kosovo some months ago. The explanation cited by Moscow was the lack of financial resources to continue its military presence, but everyone in touch with the Balkans knew that this was only an official excuse. The real reason for Moscow to withdraw its troops was the political change in Belgrade. Serbia decided not to count on the Russian support and Moscow had to declare its complete diplomatic defeat on the Balkan front.

On the other hand, the Russia's withdrawal from the big game and the political turn in Belgrade has made the Serbian position much stronger among some Western powers. Serbia after Milosevic isn't considered as main threat for the regional peace; instead the possible split of this country is cited as potential threat for the security of some neighboring countries such as Macedonia. In other words, in the lack of better alternative, the West has decided not to push for final decision over Kosovo. In fact, this situation plays on the hands of the supporters of independent Kosovo. The recent history of the Balkans is full of examples of areas, which have been cut "temporarily" from one country that ended up by being annexed by the neighbors. If the Kosovo status isn't changed in the next 3-4 years, there are all chances to presume that it will be the next European state, unless some neighbor decides to annex it.

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* - In fact Serbia was the last country Russia still counted among its allies on the Balkans after Bulgaria and Romania joined NATO against Milosevic in 1999 and refuse to give Moscow military air corridor.