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Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian origin, and a former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with hot political and economic topics, both national and international.

He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals and students that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in this country in 1989, and in 1996-1997 participated in international observation teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria.

In 2002 Simeon and his family moved from Bulgaria to Canada where they live now in Montreal, province of Quebec. Simeon is a Master of Political Science from McGill University and a B.A. of Political Science and History.

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On the domestic front, France, according to Sarkozy, needs new economic mobility. After three decades of 'laziness' her positions are eroding on many fronts. Low labor cost nations from Europe and from around the world attack her blue collars; Asia and North America constantly push ahead the technological progress. France, with its unique geographical location, perhaps the only large rich nation in the world surrounded by other rich nations only, is in a way to lose its comparative advantage and sink further into a secondary position.

To break through the wall of social opposition, Sarkozy will need more than strong nerves. Decades-long established tradition of less work for higher payment won't give up easily. Large social groups will be more than glad to undermine any effort to bring new life into the economy that requires more and harder work.

On the international front, France under Sarkozy wants to downplay the role of the European Union as a supranational body, to increase the voice of the European nations, and to build new bridges with nations on the other side of the Mediterranean. By doing so, Sarkozy will decrease the role of the Brussels' bureaucracy within the Union and will increase the role of France as an indispensable middleman between Europe and Africa. This is precisely the opposite of what are the plans of the other key European nation, Germany. Berlin has no interests of privileging Africa over Eastern Europe. Germany also prefers a stronger supranational Europe to the 'Europe of nations'.

Within the context of international politics, a really fresh air is the hand that Sarkozy extends to the United States. He publicly acknowledges the American leadership in the democratic world even after making a qualification that France will stand by her opinion. Sarkozy calls upon the Americans to take leadership in fighting the global warming, while explicitly omitting to mention the embarrassing word 'Kyoto'. Most important, he uses 'human rights' rhetoric that matches the best examples in the field. France promises to stand alongside all those who suffer because of tyrannies and oppressions around the world. In fact, Sarkozy says that dictators cannot be friends. This is by far the strongest support for the current American foreign policy for years.

If everything that Sarkozy wants to achieve becomes reality, then we will see in not so distant future a strong and second-to-none technologically advanced France, and a free world where ecological problems will be a matter of the past. These projects are very ambitious, but this isn't the main problem that the new French president will face. Twelve years ago his predecessor Jacques Chirac came with similarly ambitious program of economic and national revival. He comes out of the office after many years of economic and political immobility, broken promises, and a lost European referendum. The only thing he will be remembered is unsuccessfully building a coalition against the United States to prevent the war against Iraq in 2003. Most goals that Sarkozy sets forward look noble and I wish him all the best in many of them, especially in what concerns the human rights' promotion around the world. I, however, have many reserves that he will be capable of overcoming the inertia of the domestic system; I'm afraid that some day he may be remembered only because of another rather secondary event that will be decided mainly by someone else.

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