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Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian origin, and a former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with hot political and economic topics, both national and international.
He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals and students that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in this country in 1989, and in 1996-1997 participated in international observation teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria.
In 2002 Simeon and his family moved from Bulgaria to Canada where they live now in Montreal, province of Quebec. Simeon is a Master of Political Science from McGill University and a B.A. of Political Science and History.
Global Real Estate Project
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Belarus: 11th hour of Independence
 The president of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko continues to rule over his people with iron fist. After 10 years of reign, unrestricted by laws and customs, his rule is more solid and more popular than ever. The country was carefully used as political lab for new techniques of dominance, recently imported with similar success in Russia. Minsk is slowly becoming just another Russian provincial capital. The day Lukashenko ceases to rule will mark not the beginning of new independent Belarus but rather the end of its formal short-lived political sovereignty. Read the western press on Belarus is to fall into black-and-white political dilemma. On the one side is the president Luskashenko, together with the old and slightly modernized communist regime, the collective farms, state-run ineffective industry, Stalinist die-hards. On the other side by contrast are the freedom-loving people, market economy, democratic forces, opposition, and NGOs. Following this logic, falling of the dictator means achieving independence for Belarus, accomplishing its civilization reunification with Europe. Keeping Lukashenko in power means perpetuating the status quo and the subordinate position of Belarus vis-à-vis Moscow. In this way of thinking there isn't third way(s), e.g. Lukashenko heading his country toward West, or Belarus without Lukashenko heading toward East. First of these additional scenarios is really least probable, although not unthinkable, instead the second is more than likely. Among the countries in East and Central Europe the most successful stories in terms of political and economic liberalization ("westernization" to be more precise) occurred when there were historically strong anti-Russian and anti-Soviet feelings. This explains why countries like Poland and Hungary went much faster and further than Romania and Bulgaria. For many historical reasons Belarus couldn't use the nationalism as democratic driving force. In fact being Belarusian as national sentiment doesn't include strong anti-Russian or anti-Soviet components. The short-lived national revival in late 1980's was linked mostly with the Chernobyl's tragedy. Western human rights values as driving force of social change in the communist states so far show little relevance in countries where the political and economic elite is united in preserving its power and privileges. Nothing short of bloody revolution can occur in countries like Belarus if right now the opposition takes power even following electoral process. The real power in Minsk has nothing to do with elections, so it can't be changed by elections. Democratization in an authoritarian state occurs when the government needs larger social support in order to solve some financial problems. When Lukashenko needs money, he usually calls his Russian counterpart Putin. It's easier and far more efficient. After 10 years in power we can say that Lukashenko's reign is more solid and popular than ever. By popular we don't mean that the opposition loves him; we want to say that the "silenced majority" that make his rule look democratic compared to the Soviet past is more numerous and more politically silenced than ever. The foreign money is flowing in larger amounts due to the growing Russian oil exports. The local business is investing in real estate and is turning its back to the opposition forces. Less than two years ago the commercial space in Minsk was $450/sqm, since the prices have almost doubled. 2 years ago the residential space in the capital was $350/sqm, now it goes beyond $500/sqm. These are real facts that can't be neglected or denied when we make our political and economic forecasts. The country is far from being economically ruined by incompetent communist apparatchiks. It stands economically far behind the neighboring Poland, but it's incomparably better than the half of the former Soviet Union republics, especially those in Caucasus and Central Asia. Usually the so-called democratic opposition in Belarus and its western supporters mention the Serbian president Milosevic as an example of how they plan to bring down the regime of Lukashenko. It isn't politically correct in the West to remind it but the main reason why Milosevic fell from power was that he tried to make a political deal with the West, allowing NATO troops in Kosovo, and by this dividing the nationalistic camp in Serbia. Belarus has no such minority problems (the only larger enough minority being ethnic Russians). Any attempt to apply Serbian receipts to Belarus is doomed. In hindsight we can say that Belarus was used, although this wasn't the original idea of Lukashenko, as a political lab for Russia and its new anti-democratic reforms made under president Putin's leadership. Turning back the clock and making the country look more like China than East Europe, this was the original design of the Belarus leader. Basically he succeeded not without the mute passive cooperation of the Western powers, more concerned to consolidate their new domains in Central Europe. With Russia gradually becoming politically similar to Belarus on much larger scale Minsk loses its significance as political lab for its powerful eastern neighbor. Given the huge economic and financial dependence of Belarus upon Russia the last factor that still put breaks on the road of complete political submission to the big brother is the personality of Lukashenko and his incredible ego. On the other hand, the only real force that can take him out of the game is Kremlin. The day we learn that Lukashenko's regime has been toppled for whatever reasons, we should be worried instead of celebrating. The result will be less an independent and western leaning Belarus than a completely incorporated country within the new Russian empire.
Belarus country profile: --------------------
See also the directory of companies providing real estate services in, and general real estate information of Belarus.
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